Hitler's Secret War in South America by Stanley E. HiltonMy rating: 3 of 5 stars
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The Long Exile: A Tale of Inuit Betrayal and Survival in the High Arctic by Melanie McGrathInuit women began to appear at the Arctic Circle bar to reclaim their men, and soon enough, they also began to drink. The airmen quickly discovered these women could be bought for booze, cash or promises and the women were often too drunk to say no, or did not know how to say no to white men. When the first group of women had been used up, there were plenty more, and younger, down in the camp. And so it went on. A great many half-breed babies were born during that time, a good number of them with the tiny, shrivelled bodies indicative of foetal alcohol syndrome.
Fights broke out between jealous men and their wives, between husbands and between older and younger women. Inuit stumbled out of their huts into freezing nights high on rage and booze and too drunk to be able to feel frostbite setting in. There were a lot of amputations in those years.
By the mid-sixties almost every Inuit family in Resolute Bay had been affected by alcoholism. Things got so bad at the Inuit settlement that in some homes there was nothing to eat for days except the chewing gum the airmen handed out to the children to keep them quiet while they had sex with their mothers. A whole generation of Inuit children were left to bring up themselves while their fathers and mothers descended into squalor and depression. In the absence of any help, the children dealt with all this in the only way they knew how. Some learned to dissemble and lie, others sunk into states of apathy and denial. In the nine years from 1953 to 1962, fifty Inuit girls and boys were born in Resolute Bay. Thirty years later, nearly a third of them were already dead. Remembering it all brought Martha to tears. It gave her no comfort at all to know that, when it came to raw despair during those years, Resolute Bay had probably had the edge on Grise Fiord.
The testimony continued, and when the Commission broke for lunch, many of those who had heard the morning's witness simply sat in their seats, no longer able to trust their legs to carry them anywhere...
The Long Exile: A Tale of Inuit Betrayal and Survival in the High Arctic by Melanie McGrathHenry Larsen gave instructions for the ship's helicopter to go on ahead to scout out a possible route through the pack to Alexandra Fiord, forty miles to the north. He was particularly keen to position Inuit at Alexandra or at least on the Bache Peninsula which had long been of considerable strategic importance to Canada. From the tip of the peninsula to the northwest coast of Greenland was a journey of only thirty miles. For most of the year the channel between the two countries was frozen and it acted as an ice bridge for Greenlandic Inuit wanting to hunt polar bear and musk ox on northern Ellesmere in the region of Hazen Lake. The weather conditions at Bache were so severe that a formal border post would never be established there, but Larsen felt that the presence of Canadian Inuit in the area would at least discourage the Greenlanders. Their presence would also serve as an effective rebuttal if ever Denmark, Greenland or the United States made a claim for Ellesmere.
United States of Oligarchy: How America's Wealthiest Ally with Dictators, Weaken the U.S., and Destroy Democracy by Casey Michel...in perhaps the most myopic line written in the entire history of the Supreme Court, “The appearance of influence or access will not cause the electorate to lose faith in our democracy.” It was all a jumble of contradiction, a confused mess of sloppy logic and sloppier history. As analyst Matt Ford wrote, Kennedy’s reasoning was “a stark and somewhat blasphemous vision for the American republic.” Rather than an electorate of informed citizenry and republican virtue, Kennedy claimed that the constitutional framers had outlined a nation of pure transactionalism— one in which money would buy political favor, and vice versa.
Years in which the bottom 90 percent of America owned more than the top 1 percent: 1946– 2005
First year the four hundred richest Americans paid a lower tax rate than the bottom 50 percent of Americans: 2018
Surveying the ruling class in Athens, Aristotle decided that the literal definition of oligarchy was too pat. To the philosopher, oligarchy was something more, beyond mere numbers and power. It was better understood as a system in which “men of property have the government in their hands.”
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As Aristotle saw it, you could also define oligarchy by what it wasn’t. To Aristotle, the antithesis of oligarchy was clear: democracy. As the philosopher continued, “Democracy [is] the opposite, when the indigent, and not the men of property, are the rulers.” And yet, even then, Aristotle wasn’t finished. 40 The philosopher concluded that it wasn’t simply the number of rulers, or the acreage of property ownership, that defines an oligarchy. Rather, it was wealth— the amount of wealth associated with the oligarchs
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The Founders “feared a . . . source of power that could damage their grand experiment in popular government: extraordinarily rich Americans whose aims did not align with democracy,” scholar George Thomas noted. 60 One early American official, Gouverneur Morris, worried that “the schemes of the rich” would take advantage of the passions of the people, resulting in “a violent aristocracy, or a more violent despotism.” As Morris described, oligarchic wealth “tends to corrupt the mind and to nourish its love of power, and to stimulate it to oppression.”
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Sumner railed against the “slave oligarchy” trying to make the entirety of North America— and potentially far more— safe for slavery. “All who seek purity in the National Government must unite in this purpose,” Sumner thundered, “for only by the overthrow of this corrupt oligarchy, which, beginning in the denial of all human rights, necessarily shows itself in barbarism and corruption of all kinds, can a better order of things prevail.” For Sumner, the rise of an “Oligarchical Combination of slave masters, unknown to the Constitution, never anticipated by its founders, and existing in defiance of their example, has entered into and possessed the National Government, like an Evil Spirit.”
Lili‘uokalani’s oligarchic opponents whined that her proposals “reduced white influence”— a reality they would do everything, and use as many tools as possible, to oppose. But it wasn’t just opposition. As Dole’s lone biographer described, the oligarch and his coconspirators “began a campaign of attack upon every part of the [Hawaiian] government.”
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Pushing through yet another constitution in 1894, these oligarchs restricted voting even further, limiting it to only the wealthiest, most propertied— and, needless to say, white— residents, with well over 90 percent of the islands now unable to have any say in the country’s politics. In the oligarchs’ minds, “The Hawaiians . . . and any other non-Teutonic members must be prevented from voting.” It was the equivalent of the mainland’s Jim Crow regime, set in the middle of the Pacific. 118 But it wasn’t just the voting restrictions. Any residual evidence of Hawaiian nationality— language, culture, identity— would have to be eliminated. As Helena Allen, who authored the only biography of Dole, wrote, “The Republic— an oligarchy— saw the last remnants of Hawaiian culture being changed.
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With the final ascent of the oligarchy, Hawaii had effectively collapsed into a white supremacist police state. Any dissent, any opposition, any criticism would not be brooked.
...he called for Americans to do everything they could to thwart a “civilization of a mere plutocracy.” It was a world that Roosevelt recognized intimately, given his upbringing. The “plutocrats”— the term Roosevelt used to describe the oligarchs— had already created a nation of “selfishness so appalling” that it could, if unchecked, usher in a “destruction hitherto unequaled.” It was language that seemed lifted from the socialists burgeoning throughout the era, but came from the mouth of a president attached to greater wealth than perhaps any before.
...telling his staff that “everyone need[ ed] to tackle this intensively right away, if Facebook’s going to get into China anytime soon.” To that end, Zuckerberg laid out a three-year plan to have Facebook “fully operational” in China, from opening a sales office to partnering with a “senior Chinese leader” in order to build out a formal “partnership” with the Chinese government.
...even as a key player in the Trump administration, Kushner still had that albatross slung around his neck: that skyscraper at 666 Fifth Avenue, dragging Kushner’s corporate wealth like an anchor, down into the deepest red. There had been one moment, right before the election, when Kushner thought he’d found a lifeline. Joining his father, Kushner sought out a half-billion-dollar investment in the building from a leading figure in another Middle Eastern nation: Qatar. Connecting with Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim al-Thani, the former head of Qatar’s sovereign wealth fund (and a man also known by his own initials, HBJ), the Kushners thought they’d initially found success, with HBJ pledging $ 500 million on the condition that the Kushners could raise the rest of the needed financing elsewhere. Negotiations bled into 2017, well into the new Trump era— an era in which Jared Kushner was suddenly America’s chief diplomat, in practice if not in name. However, after revelations about a number of other potential investors in the building sparked public criticism, the Qataris pulled out— leaving the Kushners once more on the hook for spiraling debt payments. And then, the blockade began. In early June 2017, the Saudis, Emiratis, and a number of other regional regimes severed both diplomatic and economic ties with Qatar. Invasion hung in the air, with Saudi and Emirati troops massing across Qatar’s border. A tinderbox looked set to explode. Even more shocking than the blockade, however, was Washington’s response. Rather than act as the neutral arbiter many expected, the Trump administration immediately threw its weight behind the Saudi and Emirati moves— a stance led by none other than Kushner, who, according to CNN journalist Vicky Ward, “greenlit” the entire operation in the first place. “The Saudis would not have risked moving forward without permission from somebody,” one Tillerson aide said. The conclusion was inescapable: “That person must have been Jared.”
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MBS knew, Kushner was a man who, if the political winds in America blew in a slightly different direction, could help take the Gulf tyrant to ever-greater heights. The Saudi panel screening investments advised against partnering with Affinity and Kushner. But MBS immediately overruled them. Kushner and Affinity would get Saudi funding— $ 2 billion to start, and potentially much more down the road. And MBS would once more have a partner in the US who he could steer in whichever direction he wanted.
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Kushner’s influence has not only continued during Trump’s second term, but is arguably more impactful than ever. As Reuters reported in early 2025, Kushner “remains involved behind the scenes,” including by “advising on Trump’s Middle Eastern strategy, helping select appointees and guiding certain cabinet members through the transition.” 824 Specifically, Kushner is “very, very close” to Trump’s chief of staff, Susie Wiles, speaking to her “regularly.” 825 All told, according to Trump biographer Michael Wolff, Kushner has a “hidden hand” in Trump’s second administration— one you can see shadows and hints of, but one that hasn’t seen nearly enough attention, or nearly enough investigation. 826 Perhaps most pertinent, Kushner has been a direct adviser to the man who replaced him as the head of the Middle Eastern portfolio
Then, these network globally:
No one had forced figures like Bezos, Zuckerberg, or Pichai to build out their own links with tyrants around the world, gutting their pretenses about supporting liberal democracy...
I’d arrived in Moldova to report on the annual conference of the World Congress of Families (WCF). The WCF was itself the foremost fundamentalist group anywhere in the world: a transnational organization dedicated to rolling back as many of the basic elements of liberal society— abortion access, same-sex marriage, even individual rights writ large— that it could find. It was, then as now, the leading bridge between hard-right American Evangelicals and fundamentalist counterparts in Russia, receiving funding from oligarchs on both sides
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“Putin is an imperialist,” he said, wiping his mouth. “But what’s worse: Imperialism, which will kill your body, or the gender ideologies that the [West] pushes, which will kill your soul?”
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He is also one of Russia’s most notorious oligarchs, a billionaire henchman for Putin, dedicated to obliterating democracy wherever and however he can, whether in Russia or elsewhere. Malofeev was one of the key figures behind Russia’s initial invasion of Ukraine in 2014, overseeing much of the post-invasion investment in occupied Ukraine— including, memorably, a theme park dedicated to Russian history.
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The date was January 6, 2021. And the speaker was a man who would later be outed not only as one of the WCF’s recent keynote speakers, but as the author of Trump’s entire strategy to overturn the 2020 election and overthrow American democracy entirely: John Eastman.
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as Russian journalists later discovered, the starting gun for the Kremlin’s invasion preparation rang out the day Ukraine went after Medvedchuk. “Three sources in the Russian president’s entourage confirmed that it was this story of the destruction of Medvedchuk’s [television channels] and the fact that [Ukraine] began to ‘harass’ him that became the last straw in Putin’s decision to prepare for a military operation,” Russia’s Verstka Media reported. As one of Putin’s acquaintances said, “[ Putin] took it as a personal attack,” viewing it as a Ukrainian escalation against him and his oligarchic proxies.
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Most spectacular, American Ethane’s ownership group at one point even included Roman Abramovich, perhaps the most successful (and certainly most notorious) Russian oligarch of the bunch— a man who’d not only purchased the Chelsea Football Club, but who slid his illicit wealth into offshore vehicles around the world, slithering into the highest ranks of Western policy and cultural circles in the process.
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The fact that a supposedly American firm like American Ethane was secretly controlled by a series of Russian oligarchs would have been problematic enough. Yet as with other American corporations, American Ethane had additionally tossed a raft of donations to US politicians far and wide: to the most powerful Republicans in states like Louisiana, to a fund overseen by House Majority Whip Steve Scalise, and even to the reelection campaign of Mike Johnson, who would soon become the Speaker of the House. The donations themselves weren’t titanic, coming in at only five figures, but they effectively illustrated how American corporations could turn into a sieve for foreign funds to drown American politics.
Musk didn’t stop there, and quickly slid into outright genocidal apologia. “China’s repression of the Uyghurs,” Musk claimed, “had two sides.” Musk didn’t bother to describe what those “sides” were, or if, for instance, there were also “two sides” to previous genocides like the Holocaust. China may be committing horrific crimes, yes— but, as Musk saw it, perhaps the Uyghurs deserved it? Who were we to judge?
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in early 2022, Musk immediately swooped in to aid Kyiv’s efforts against Russian troops. Both Musk and Ukrainian officials realized that Starlink— the Musk-led company arranging satellite coverage in far-flung reaches of the world— was perfectly placed to help Ukrainian troops converse across the battlefield. Musk even directly oversaw Starlink’s Ukrainian strategy, convening with company engineers for days on end, outlining ways the company could help circumvent Russian jamming. Soon, thousands of Starlink terminals flooded into Ukraine, with Musk transforming into the most impactful nongovernmental official of the early phases of the war. As one Ukrainian commander said, “Without Starlink, we would have been losing the war.”
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rolling back Russian troops and proving the futility of such colonial expansion was clearly necessary. Ukraine was on the frontline of the fight for not only tangible topics like territory, but things far airier and far more important like freedom, democracy, and anti-imperialism writ large. For Musk, though, there was something more important yet: Armageddon. At least, that’s what later reporting revealed, trying to parse Musk’s thoughts during late 2022, when his views on the war— and on the rightness of Ukraine’s fight— flipped on their heads. In Musk’s mind, Ukraine’s successful parries against Russia were less signs of strategic success, and more risks that could lead directly to nuclear annihilation. As Ukraine’s pushback continued throughout 2022, Musk went into “crisis-drama mode,” with the oligarch suddenly starting to worry that Ukrainian success— and Starlink’s key role therein— could “lead to a nuclear war.” 698 Musk’s concerns didn’t arise in a vacuum. With his troops smothered and scattered, Putin had also begun rattling a nuclear saber, claiming that further Ukrainian advances would result in Moscow unleashing nuclear warfare on Kyiv...
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Musk had spent much of the 2020s growing more and more reliant on Tesla’s success in China, both as a source of his personal wealth and his professional standing. To swipe an overused analogy, it was a bit of domino theory in effect: Musk’s political standing relied predominantly on his personal wealth, which relied predominantly on the health of the Tesla shares populating Musk’s portfolio, which relied predominantly on scaling up sales and production in China— all of which relied entirely on remaining in the good graces of Beijing itself. It’s not as if any of this was a secret, necessarily. As a Wall Street Journal headline blared after Trump’s election, China specifically saw Musk as a “conduit” to Trump.
One of the first to tackle the question head-on was Robert Andersen, a sociology professor</a> at the University of Toronto. Surveying dozens of countries, Andersen tried to answer one question: Did economic inequality really have a detrimental effect on democracy?
...democracy— Andersen discovered that “income inequality matters much more.” Overall wealth was still important, but the economic disparity within a country was far more pertinent to that nation’s support for democracy. Democracy, as he wrote, has “less support in countries with high income inequality.” The more unequal a nation, the less the support for democracy, full stop
Other scholars have confirmed as much in the years since. In 2024, South Korean scholar Sang Kyung Lee determined that “where inequality is more severe, citizens in liberal democracies are more attracted to authoritarian leaders.”And those authoritarians consolidate power:
In 2022, The Washington Post reported that Ellison, who’d long bankrolled Republican politicians and causes, was directly involved with something else: conversations about how Donald Trump and his allies could overturn the 2020 election. It’s unclear what Ellison said regarding Trump’s attempted coup on January 6, 2021. But as The Post reported, Ellison’s participation was “the first known example of a technology industry titan joining powerful figures in conservative politics, media and law to strategize about Trump’s post-loss options.”Adding it all up, we find there really is a bunch of crazy mega-rich scheming to own the world:
Introduction to Metaphysics by Martin HeideggerIn 1928, there appeared the first part of a collected bibliography on the concept of value. It cites 661 publications on the concept of value. Probably by now there are a thousand. All this calls itself philosophy. In particular, what is peddled about nowadays as the philosophy of National Socialism, but which has not the least to do with the inner truth and greatness of this movement [namely, the encounter between global technology and modern humanity], 115 is fishing in these troubled waters of "values" and "totalities."
Yet we can see how stubbornly the thought of values entrenched itself in the nineteenth century when we see that even Nietzsche, and precisely he, thinks completely within the perspective of the representation of values. The subtitle to his projected main work, The Will to Power, is Attempt at a Revaluation of All Values. Its third book is headed: Attempt at a New Positing of Values. Because Nietzsche was entangled in the confusion of the representation of values, because he did not understand its questionable provenance, he never reached the genuine center of philosophy. But even if some future thinker should reach the center again-we today can only labor to pave the way-he will not avoid entanglement either; it will just be a different entanglement. No one can leap over his own shadow.
Scrivener User Manual by Literature & Latte
Fortunate Son: George W. Bush and the Making of an American President by J.H. Hatfield(BCCI), which at one time had more than 400 branches in 78 countries with assets of more than $20 billion, including drug-trafficking and arms-smuggling proceeds, looted savings and loans, and defrauded depositors of legitimate financial institutions. As he had done in 1977, when anoth-er BCCI figure, James Bath, invested heavily in Arbusto Energy, Bush was once again doing business with people who had ties to BCCI, commonly referred to by the U.S. Justice Department as the "Bank of Crooks and Criminals."
It was the Little Rock investment firm who handled the brokerage when Middle Eastern front men for BCCI made an early attempt to pur-chase First American Bank in Washington, D.C. (BCCI later acquired First American's predecessor, Financial General Bankshares.) Stephens, Inc. also played a significant role in introducing the BCCI virus into U.S. banking when it arranged the sale of Bert Lance's National Bank of Georgia to Ghaith Pharoan, identified by the U.S. Federal Reserve Board as a "front man" for BCCI's secret acquisitions of American banks.
At the time of the Harken investment, UBS was a joint-venture part-ner with BCCI in a bank in Geneva, Switzerland. According to Congressional hearings transcripts, UBS also helped BCCI skirt Panamanian money-laundering laws by flying cash out of the country in private jets, and was involved in Ferdinand Marcos' illegal transportation of 325 tons of gold out of the Philippines.
Sheikh Abdullah Bakhsh, as reported in the Wall Street Journal and in the book False Profits by Peter Truell and Larry Gurwin, had been an investment partner in Saudi Arabia with BCCI front man Gaith Pharoan. Khalid bin Mahfouz, another BCCI figure and head of the largest bank in the Arabian Peninsula, was Bakhsh's banker
The Snow Killings: Inside the Oakland County Child Killer Investigation by Marney Rich Keenan...all believed that Busch had likely died days earlier, Sillery determined Busch died that same day—November 20, 1978—of a self-inflicted gunshot wound to the head. Other than noting that Busch’s blood alcohol level was 0.41 percent—more than four times the legal limit for driving and enough to cause coma or death—there was no indication that a full autopsy was ever even conducted.
Media and the American Mind: From Morse to McLuhan by Daniel Czitrom
Movies represented "the most spectacular single feature of the amusement situation in recent years," a situation that included penny arcades, dance academies and dance halls, vaudeville and burlesque theaters, pool rooms, amusement parks, and even saloons. Motion pictures inhabited the physical and psychic space of the urban street life. Standing opposite these commercial amusements, in the minds of the cultural traditionalists, were municipal parks, playgrounds, libraries, museums, school recreation centers, YMCAs, and church-sponsored recreation. The competition between the two sides, noted sociologist Edward A. Ross, was nothing less than a battle between "warring sides of human nature-appetite and will, impulse and reason, inclination and ideal." The mushrooming growth of movies and other commercial amusements thus signaled a weakness and per-haps a fundamental shift in the values of American civilization.
"Why has the love of spontaneous play," wondered Reverend Richard H. Edwards, "given way so largely to the love of merely being amused?"
For those who spoke about "the moral significance of play" and preferred the literal meaning of the term recreation, the flood of commercial amusements posed a grave cultural threat. Most identified the amusement situation as inseparable from the expansion of the city and factory labor. Referring to the enormous vogue of the movies in Providence, Rhode Island before World War I, Francis R. North noted the "great alluring power in an amusement ..."
Propaganda analysis emerged as a significant new activity after the armistice. During the Great War propaganda had become a massive scientific endeavor, a sophisticated art critical to the military efforts of all the combatants. Utilizing the latest forms of modern communication, nations made propaganda a regular feature of governing-a tendency that continued after the war's end. Propaganda acquired a sinister connotation; it meant partisan appeal based on half-truths and devious manipulation of communications channels. A postwar wave of autobiographies, exposés, and popular articles helped further a belief in the deceitful power of propaganda and the ease with which modern media could be insidiously controlled in its service. The scholarly studies of propaganda generally took these fears as their starting point.
For example, Harold Lasswell's pioneer work, Propaganda Technique in the World War (1927), began by noting: "We live among more people than ever who are puzzled, uneasy, or vexed at the un-known cunning which seems to have duped and degraded them. It is often an object of vituperation, and therefore, of interest, discussion, and, finally, of study." Lasswell sought to classify the mechanisms, tactics, and strategies of propaganda, which he defined as "the control of opinion by significant symbols... by stories, rumors, reports, pictures, and other forms of social communication." Other propaganda studies in these years also directed attention to how the modern media operated and how they could be abused for propaganda purposes in various countries, particularly during wartime.
In McLuhan's view, southern culture stood as a modern manifestation of the Cinesniam deal of rational man reaching his noblest attainment in the expression of an eloquent wisdom." According to McLuhan, ever since Socrates used dialectics against the rhetoric of his sophist teachers, a continuing quarrel had raged over whether grammar and rhetoric on the one hand or dialectics on the other should prevail in organizing knowledge. The debate continued among medieval and Renaissance authorities, with the Schoolmen Insisting that one part of the trivium be the superior method in the-ology (dialectics) and the humanists insisting on the others (gram-mar, rhetoric). As the quarrel heightened in seventeenth-century England, representatives of both parties migrated to America the Schoolmen to New England and the quasi-humanist gentry to Virginia.
In America, McLuhan argued, the two radically opposed intellectual traditions developed on new soil and were geographically separated for the first time. Nourished by the agrarian estate life of the South, the Ciceronian ideal reached its flower in "the scholar states-man of encyclopedic knowledge, profound practical experience, and voluble social and public eloquence." It produced, among other things, the most creative tradition in American political thought, a tradition that stretched from Jefferson to Wilson. It advocated an agrarian society with every man as aristocrat and subordinated knowledge and action to a political good. On the other hand, the New England mind afforded a sharp contrast. Based on the Ramist application of dialectics to theological controversy, it embodied a thoroughly different tradition: "For this mind there is nothing which cannot be settled by method. It is the mind which weaves the intricacies of efficient production, 'scientific' scholarship, and business administration. It doesn't permit itself an inkling of what constitutes a social or political problem... simply because there is no method for tackling such problems." McLuhan thus reduced Ameri-can history to an internal debate within the medieval trivium. Southern literature's stress on passion versus the northern concern with character, the Civil War, and the educational debate at Chicago over the "Great Books" program all reflected the intellectual struggle of the humanist against the technological specialist. McLuhan left no doubt where his own sympathies lay. His affinity with the southern Agrarian movement of the 1920s and 1930s is striking. McLuhan, the Catholic and provincial Canadian, joined John Crowe Ransom in celebrating the South as the true inheritor of the humanist tradition...
Hurt, Baby, Hurt by III Scott“When you think of the long and gloomy history of man, you will find far more and far more hideous crimes have been committed in the name of obedience than in the name of rebellion.” C. P. Snow Address to the American Association for the Advancement of Science New York, December 28, 1960
This Hawthorne Center place was like another world. It wasn’t like the Page 11 → big city streets— cars, smoggy atmosphere, junkies, nasty old buildings, winos and old beat- up prostitutes standing on the corner. I mean, Hawthorne Center had clean, modern buildings like I’d never seen in my life, let alone live in one. I fell in love with the place.
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The people were nice and loving; it was a dream come true. The one thing I learned first off here was to hate violence that I knew so well back home. It wasn’t just the violence of my father but the violence of anger being expressed by anyone towards me or anybody.
The administrative heads were all white and a good percentage of the counselors and teachers were white except for a few middle- class negroes here and there. So we had all these professional people who were the only unique people in the whole entire school: a nigger- making factory. Yah, a nigger factory. Every student was on their assembly belt...
We called our joint the club instead of “United Community League for Civic Action,” which was formed as a political organization in 1964 by my father and his brother in an effort to involve Black people in the political (American they tell me) process.
We left the club and ran down the street toward Clairmont. There were a few people standing on the corner. I crossed the street and stopped in front of this drug store, looking around, wanting to do something. "Hey, let’s tear this motherfucker down!" I screamed to the people standing on the corner. They just sort of stood there and looked at me, not moving. I grabbed this litter basket in front of me and threw it through the window of the drug store. (I had to destroy something.) An alarm began to ring. Everybody began to run.
...pops gave me one of his famous lectures on how he viewed the riot. “All the people have had their revolutions, and we’re the last. The Negro group is the last. It’s something that’s got to come; they can’t stop it. It’s something that every group has gone through. So now it gets down to the Negro; when his revolution comes, it won’t be no surprise to the people I know. We just happen to be the last group, that’s all.
Driven by Susie Wolff...I suddenly heard my name over the loudspeaker: Susie Stoddart to the podium ceremony. Confused, I ran to the main stage. First place, second and third trophies were handed out. Then, I was called up-Top Female Driver in the World.
My face burned with embarrassment as I stepped onto the stage in front of all those who had earned their podium places. I wasn't there to be the top female. I was there to try to win but was being singled out as different. I hadn't even registered if there were any other women in the competition; it had never dawned on me to look for them.
Motorsport had always been the one arena where men and women could compete as equals--where gender wasn't sup. posed to matter. But this award, with its separate category for me, shattered that illusion. It carved out a box I hadn't asked for, underscoring a difference I'd spent my whole karting career trying to erase. I was fighting to prove that talent mattered more than gender, I didn't want special treatment-I wanted a level playing field. I wanted to win. On the same terms as everyone else.
Zombies Have Issues by Greg Stones
A Fast Ride Out of Here: Confessions of Rock's Most Dangerous Man by Pete WayI decided to call the band Waysted. What it boiled down to was that I wanted to make a grittier, harder kind of rock music than I had been doing with UFO and to get out there and play again.
Rick sold coke to Marlon Brandon, a who’s who of other ‘A’ list Hollywood stars and most of the top music executives in the city.
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Drugs, of course, were a by-product of being on the road, but I also saw first-hand just how detrimental they could be. I came across many people of undoubted talent, but it was obvious they had been fucked up by cocaine, or else heroin. Touring Obsession, we did quite a few shows with Aerosmith, who were the biggest band in America at the time. I expected them to be a devastating live band, but they were so out of it by then that songs would virtually grind to a halt and the crowd would go quiet. That happened at every show.
I don’t believe I ever wrecked a hotel room myself. But then, you don’t when you’ve got drugs in the room. Hotel security guards were generally off-duty cops, so the last thing I’d want would be to alert them to anything untoward. For the same reason, I kept my music reasonably quiet. Anything so there wouldn’t be a knock on the door in the middle of the night when I’d got half an ounce of coke on the bedside table. Fans would also sleep on the floor outside of our rooms. That started to get a bit daunting – stepping out of the room and having people literally lying in wait for you. After several months of that, there was nothing I craved more than a bit of peace and quiet. By the end of the Lights Out tour, I had also started to use heroin. As I said, I’d tried it when I was thirteen, but I took to it much slower than to cocaine. It was reintroduced to me by a dealer – but it could as well have been by anybody around us at that time – to be used as part of a speedball with cocaine. To be honest, by then I would try anything that was put in front of me. But the way it was explained, it made perfect sense to me to take heroin like that. Coke allowed me to talk all night and appear interesting, but the trouble was that I would be wired for hours at a time. The heroin in a speedball took the edge off the cocaine high and allowed me to come down.
Joe Elliott: I’m sure Pete has said that I always forgot my credit card; wouldn’t expect anything less. The truth is that I didn’t have any money when the two of us first got together, and by 1984 when our Pyromania album had taken off, he’d be round at my house emptying the bar. He is a pathological liar, but in the funniest sense. I’ve often told him as much. Ultimately, I’m a huge Pete Way fan, but like most people he’s flawed and massively so.
I also got a second offer to produce a new album for a London punk band, the Cockney Rejects. It was the Rejects’ fourth record and they wanted to move towards more of a hard-rock sound, which of course was fine by me. However, the title of the album, The Wild Ones, turned out to be all too apt, since the Rejects were like nothing so much as a gang of football hooligans. When the four of them weren’t drinking, they were fine – pussycats, really. But if anyone so much as looked at one or the other of them after they’d sunk a few beers, all hell would break loose. They would all want to start a fight, and the Rejects’ idea of diplomacy was to hit first and ask questions later. I found being around them very testing. If we went to the pub together, there would be a lot of, ‘Here, that geezer over there’s a cunt’, and, ‘Oi, what the fuck is he staring at?’ I could do no wrong in their eyes and we managed to make a decent-enough album, but I spent a ridiculous amount of time trying to stop them from smacking other people at a moment’s notice.
‘Fast’ Eddie Clarke: Next thing I knew, Pete had popped up in Ozzy’s band and Sharon-fucking-Osbourne had poached him from me. She had known Pete was in a right state over the business with Chrysalis and behaved like a total cunt. And then what happened? She and Ozzy went and shat all over Pete. He was supposed to do the whole world tour, but they kicked him into touch after just a handful of British shows. Apparently, Tommy Aldridge told them he wouldn’t play with Pete. It was a crying shame, because Pete and I had a great thing going together, we really did, and I missed him. The trouble with Pete is that he’s his own worst enemy. He never called me after walking out on Fastway, not even once out of courtesy. I know that he’s let other people down and suffered because of it, but he broke my heart. I get torn up from thinking about it even now. Four, five years later, I ran into him again on the road outside his house. It was good to see him after all that time and he invited me in for a cup of tea. I asked him: ‘Now, what the fuck did you do that for, piss off without so much as a by your leave?’ He couldn’t give me an honest answer even then. That’s Pete for you. We were good mates and he pulled a disappearing act like that on me.
The other substance we began to use was the anesthetic that Michael Jackson was on when he died – Propofol. It’s a white, creamy, quite thick liquid used in hospitals for surgical operations. Joanna had access to a ready supply of it, because she would use it when she performed liposuction.
Mike Clink: With most of the bands that I work with there’s always one person who makes a big impression on me and ends up being a lifelong friend, not just a business relationship. That’s who Pete is for me. To meet him is to fall in love with him. I love his sense of humour and he’s vulnerable too. The persona that people see is sex, drugs and rock and roll, but there’s more to him than that. There’s a whole other side which is genuinely warm, funny and caring. He’s also extremely talented. Whenever I do a session these days and mention that I’m working with Pete again, I’m still surprised at how many individuals have been influenced by him. Nikki Sixx told me the reason that he plays his particular style of Gibson bass is because of Pete...
Red November: Inside the Secret U.S.-Soviet Submarine War by W. Craig Reed
Seizure of State Power by Michael VelliWe might structure the scene around a large electronics plant which, from the standpoint of the revolutionary organization, was in the vanguard of the struggle from the earliest days of the insurrection. Let us suppose that on the first day of the general strike the assembled workers of this plant took decisions which corresponded, down to the last letter, to the organization's definition of the most urgent tasks of the day. For example, after deciding to put the plant's technology at the service of all striking workers, the assembled electronics workers formed a Workers' Council and democratically elected a Council Committee as well as a President of the Council Committee. Let us further suppose that the President of the Council Committee, unlike the militants described in earlier scenes, is not a professional organizer unfamiliar with the technical processes of the plant; on the contrary, she is a worker who had been employed in the electronics plant and had been a member of the revolutionary organization long before the popular uprising. And let us furthermore suppose that ...
... guided by its President, the electronics plant put its entire labor force and all its technology at the service of the revolutionary struggle freely distributed to the population; these devices helped coordinate on the barricades and in the streets. Two-way walkie-talkies were the struggles at different barricades, and enabled reinforcements
...workers personally participated in various struggles, and most of to come to the rescue of isolated neighborhoods. All the plant's them returned to the plant in order to design and produce two-way radio sets, 'barricade television' sets, and other electronic devices particularly suitable to the conditions of the popular insurrection. Furthermore, the Committee, and the plant's President as well, encouraged people who had not previously worked in the plant to participate directly in the production of devices...
Independent creative activity can in fact lead to the death of the old social order.²¹ A mighty burst of creative enthusiasm, 22 a revolutionary situation, is a historical possibility. Classical theory assumed that such a situation was the necessary condition for the seizure of power by a revolutionary organization.
...a mighty burst of creative enthusiasm stems from the people.
The aim of the revolution is not, as before, to transfer the bureaucratic-military machine from one hand to another, but to smash it. ...
A revolutionary situation as described by classical revolutionary theory smashes the dominant social order along with all of its bureaucrats.
The unique historical feat of V.I. Lenin was not to seize State power; this had been done before. Lenin's historical feat was to describe his seizure of State power with the language of a socialist movement determined to destroy the State. The application of Lenin's ideas to Lenin's practice is the foundation for modern revolutionary ideology. For aspiring leaders armed with revolutionary ideas, the revolutionary ideology provides a vision of the social power historically achieved by leaders armed with revolutionary ideas.
...populations who struggle for independent creative activity by self-governed producers achieve a socialist society governed by a dictatorship of the proletariat led by the Workers' Party which follows a unitary ideology composed exclusively of the ideas of the party secretary-general based on the creative application of Marxism-Leninism. 170 As a result of the seizure of State power, the leader personifies all the resources, all the productive forces and all the activity of the society. Personifications of social activity animate the world. Estranged power of community-the State-is experienced as the only real community. Estranged productive power-Capital is experienced as the only real productive agent. The leader personifies the entirety of social Capital. Whatever we have, all we have built, is entirely owing to the correct leadership of comrade party secretary general. The Premier's ideas form the basis for what we call the unitary ideology espoused by the Workers' Party. Unitary ideology means there are no contending ideologies. The unitary ideology of the system of the party means the adoption, as the sole guiding principle, of the revolutionary ideas of comrade party secretary general, founder and leader of the party and great leader of the revolution. The leader founds and leads the party which is the vanguard of the working class and the general staff of the revolution. He is the supreme brain of the class and the heart of the party who puts forward the guiding ideas of the party as well as the strategy and tactics of the revolution. He is the center of the unity and solidarity of the working class and the entire revolutionary masses. There is no center except him.
The Aspirin Age: 1919-1941: The essential events of American Life in the chaotic years between the two World Wars by Isabel LeightonIt is not likely that Father Coughlin or any of his American imitators can ever again be more than public nuisances, vermin in the national woodwork. But let conditions again become as bad as they did in the deep thirties, and the vermin will reappear.
On the other hand, there will be thousands of Americans, burned by this one experience with fascism under an American and Christian label, who will be warier when the next demagogue arises. The last ironic act of Ben Levin's real-life drama was symbolic, and like the death of his son it had almost too pat a moral. When the contents of his dead son's pockets were sent him by the War Department, he donated the money not to any golden-tongued radio orator or any leader with a panacea, but to a Good Neighbor Association formed to resist the racial hatreds that the leader had brought on.
Letters poured in. Some wanted to know, as correspondents wanted to know for the next twelve years, what a priest was doing talking on such subjects. Others cheered and wanted more. Taken together, that flood of mail meant that people would listen to anyone who sounded as if he knew answers. Father Coughlin's trial balloon had proved what people wanted to hear, and had shown him how to spread the walls of the Shrine of the Little Flower and bring into one audience thousands upon thousands of listeners. Most of those listeners were angry at the bankers; many were afraid of Communists. Though he added other scapegoats later, Father Coughlin really built his structure on those two. By a miracle of illogic, he eventually combined them.
By the end of 1930 the priest had organized his unseen listeners into the Radio League of the Little Flower, dedicated to the unraveling of the tangled economic web, and was pulling in letters in quantities that amazed WJR and may have amazed Coughlin. Other demagogues in the American tradition have been hay-wagon orators, shirt-sleeve spell-binders from park bandstands and town-hall platforms. But Father Coughlin was the first to discover how he could do the whole job by remote control, be free of hecklers, be just as sure of taking up the collection, and in addition have documentary proof by letter of what his audiences wanted.
The day after the Jewish representatives made their plea for Palestine, a remarkable letter, filled with the spirit of good will, was sent by the Emir Feisal to Felix Frankfurter. In it he spoke of the deep sympathy with which the Arabs, "especially the educated among us,” looked upon the Zionist movement, and said the Arab deputation considered the Zionist proposals both "modern and proper." "We will do our best," he continued, "in so far as we are concerned, to help them through; we will wish the Jews a most hearty welcome home.... The Jewish movement is national and not imperialist; our movement is national and not imperialist; there is room in Syria for us both."
Hitler's Secret War in South America by Stanley E. Hilton My rating: 3 of 5 stars View...